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While mobilising outside formal party politics, it is a vocal critic of the black majority-ruled state and pursues the creation of institutional, community and even virtual spaces for “self-determinationâ€. It claims to represent the interests of minorities in the context of “black majority dominationâ€, and to speak for white Afrikaans-speakers in particular. In contemporary South Africa, the Movement and its subsidiary organisations – most prominently, AfriForum – is increasing its prominence and appeal. By the new millennium, it had become the Solidarity Movement, a social movement appealing to cultural nationalism and expressing state-like ambitions. The MWU then changed tack again, shedding its working-class identity to reposition as a civil society organisation. However, South Africa’s transition to majority rule in 1994 proved the futility of this strategy. Focusing on the blue-collar Mineworkers’ Union (MWU), my book tracks how this organisation expanded its membership to represent blue-collar whites across a range of industries and aligned with right-wing groups to resist democratisation.
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This sent white workers searching for new ways to safeguard their interests in a rapidly changing world. Starting from the 1970s, I show how labour reforms saw the apartheid state withdraw its support for working-class whiteness. This occurred long before the formal end of apartheid in 1994. I was particularly interested in how these workers responded when the labour legislation which protected their privileged position was dismantled.
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Thus, their class-based vulnerability was effectively concealed by their race-based status. Through race-based discriminatory legislation, lower-skilled white workers were shielded from black labour competition and received inflated wages in exchange for their political support for the regime. It focuses on the experience of the white industrial workforce and their unique social position in apartheid-era South Africa. My book Privileged Precariat: White Workers and South Africa’s long transition to majority rule challenges this view. All of these views have led to an absence of attention to class in the white population, and the impression that white workers did not exist. Meanwhile, the apartheid state’s ethnic and race-based politics by definition pushed an image of whites as classless.
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While historians recognise that many whites (an average of 40%) remained in blue-collar jobs throughout the apartheid era, they nevertheless argue that this did not make them workers, but rather labour aristocrats aligned with the ruling bourgeoisie in benefitting from the exploitation of the black majority. Popular understandings of colonialism and apartheid imagine whites as homogenously wealthy and powerful, perpetually waited on by scores of black servants. Historians have long recognised this – except when it comes to the main beneficiaries of apartheid. Other “racial groups†– so-called coloureds and those of Indian descent – suffered fewer restrictions but were similarly consigned to second-class citizenship.ĭespite the ubiquity of race, these groups were not as monolithic as they appear. Top jobs and educational opportunities were reserved for whites Africans’ freedom of movement was restricted, they were barred from owning land, organising in the workplace or mobilising politically.
#White collar art cam skin
How does one write the history of people thought not to exist? In apartheid South Africa, the obsession to maintain political and economic power for the white minority at the expense and exploitation of the black majority spawned a society in which skin colour determined every aspect of life.